|
|
Irrational
Exuberance
by Robert J. Shiller
The high valuations we have seen recently in the United
States stock market have come about mostly for no good reason. The market is high because
of the combined effect of a lot of indifferent thinking across millions of people, very
few of whom feel a need to do careful research about the long-term investment value of the
aggregate stock market, and who are motivated substantially by their own emotions, random
attentions, and perceptions of conventional wisdom. Their behavior is heavily influenced
by news media that are interested in attracting viewers or readers, with little incentive
to report regularly on quantitative analysis that might give a correct impression of the
aggregate stock market level.
It is a serious
mistake for public figures to acquiesce in the stock market valuations we have seen
recently, to be silent about the implications of such high valuations, to leave commentary
to the market analysts who specialize in the nearly impossible task of forecasting the
market in the next few months and who share interests with investment banks or
brokerage firms. The valuation of the stock market is an important national and
international issue. All of our plans for the future hinge on our perceived wealth, and
plans based on value that might not be there tomorrow could be dangerous. The tendency for
speculative bubbles to grow and then contract can make for very uneven distribution of
wealth. It may even cause many of us, at times, to question the very capitalist and free
market institutions we have. We must be clear on the prospect for such contractions and on
individual and national policy towards this prospect.
The 1990s Bull Market
Of all of the factors that have
promoted the recent bull market including the financial clout of baby boomers, the
decline of foreign rivals, and the economic opportunities made possible by the Internet
it is the prominence of the Internet that appears most likely to see further growth
in the opening years of the twenty-first century. The Internet is a "visible"
invention in the sense that individuals themselves directly participate in it and find it
opens new horizons for them. The Internet also has room for growth. As of 1998 only 168
million individuals globally had some access to the Internet, and most only at work. But
the effect on the stock market of further growth in Internet use will probably be limited:
wealthier people, who are more likely to invest in the stock market, are already connected
to the Internet. The symbolic value of the Internet also likely will fade as we become
accustomed to it. As time goes on, the Internet may seem less and less like a symbol of
the promise of new technology, and more and more like the old phone book.
In addition, it is uncertain
whether the really low rates of inflation we have seen can be expected to continue. For
now, continuation of low inflation appears a likely prospect, but low inflation is at best
a stable factor, not a factor encouraging further growth of the stock market. In addition,
other factors supporting a high market are quite likely in the future to falter. The
salutary effects of baby boomers on the stock market in the United States will most
certainly weaken. We know that there will be many more retired persons in 2030 than there
are now. Although retirees will live longer because of improved medical technology, they
also will face increased dependency, requiring them to cash in on their stock market
investments. As important, the sense of American "victory" that developed after
some of our close competitors abroad began to falter after 1990 is unlikely to persist. In
particular, if attention is drawn to some flaw in American corporations by some big event,
the sense of victory could fade quickly. One of the
most likely aspects to change, finally, is the emotional frame of investors. If stock
returns become more modest, there gradually will be less excitement, less attention paid
to the stock market, and quite possibly less willingness to take risks in the stock
market. As time wears on, the sense that one is "playing with the houses
money" with ones investments will certainly fade.
Issues of Fairness and Resentment
Many of these potential causes of earnings reversal have
ultimately to do with changes in morale, loyalty and a sense of fairness. Currently, overt
resentment by American citizens against their own corporations appears to be at an unusual
low. Businessmen are lionized, and labor unions are very weak by historical standards. But
deteriorating income distribution, and the increasingly frequent stories of fabulous
wealth earned by the deal makers, may make public opinion less favorable toward business.
Further, according to calculations of economist Ray Fair, if market expectations for
earnings growth are to be realized (assuming US gross domestic product growth of 4% a
year) then corporate profits as a fraction of gross domestic product must be over 12% in
2010. This fraction is almost twice as high as we have seen since 1948. It is hard to
imagine that the public would tolerate such levels of corporate profit. Resentment by
foreigners towards the United States is another potential limiting factor of the bull
market. Something may seem unfair about Americas dominance in, among other areas,
high technology. How, one might ask, did Microsoft attain such dominance? The company is
often described as cutthroat and grasping. And why does the United State dominate the
Internet? The World Wide Web was a European invention, developed by a British and a
Belgian scientist working in a Swiss lab. Resentment against the United States and its
strong free enterprise system has moral overtones too; people in many other
countries not as strong economically wonder if their relative lack of economic success is
due to their greater concern with equity, fairness, and human values. If such a
moral basis for resentment gains solid ground in public thinking, it could lead to heightened efforts to compete with
American corporations or exclude them entirely.
What Should Individuals Do Now?
If the market declines to the point it
was a few years ago or even lower, then people are going to find themselves poorer, in the
aggregate amount of trillions of dollars. The real losses could be comparable to the total
destruction of all the schools, farms, or houses in the nation. One could say that
such a fall is really harmless, since nothing is physically destroyed by the fall, which
only brings us back to where we were a few years ago in terms of market value. Losses will
not be borne equally, however. Some who rode the market up to new prosperity will have
lightened up on their holdings and will keep their gains, while others who have entered
the market only recently will take the losses. Thus, a substantial fall in the market
would make some people really poor, leaving others rich.
We can imagine the effects on those who
had become too dependent on stocks as investments, and too hopeful for how these
investments would do in future. People who have put away only a modest amount in the stock
market for their childrens college education may find their savings are inadequate,
and that the real value of the portfolio falls far short of the increased cost of a
college education. Students may have to take out substantial loans, accept unrewarding
jobs to pay for their education, or forgo a dream career. They might decide to not go to
college at all. Others, who are a little older, may find that their careers or ambitions
are thwarted. With smaller economic resources, the need to maintain an income level and
fulfill everyday obligations will be destructive to individual fulfillment.
Those who have saved virtually nothing
for their retirement because of their faith in stock market investments held by their
pension plans may find that those pension plans, even when coupled with Social Security,
cannot provide them with a comfortable living standard in their retirement. The
"amazing power" of compounding, which is an article of faith among so many,
vanishes if the returns are not there. Thus those with meager savings will have to fend
for themselves in a world with greatly more dependent elderly people relative to young
people. They may have to live very simply, and that may mean sitting at home and
doing little that they are interested in. So, what can one do today to minimize the impact
of a possible market fall?
Savings The natural first thing
for an individual to do may be (depending on current holdings and other circumstances) to
reduce ones stock holdings. Yet this is advice is problematic, since if large
numbers of people divested their holdings in stocks, the market would immediately plummet.
An important action that all individuals can take now is to decrease their reliance on the
stock market in their future economic decisions, and instead increase their saving rate.
The amount of additional saving that must be done to offset a large stock market
decline is quite large on the order of an additional 10% on pretax income
each year.
Retirement Plans Since the bottom
of the market in 1982, the growth of employer defined-contribution pension plans (where
the company makes contributions to an investment fund that is owned by the employee) has
far outstripped the older defined-benefit corporate pension plans (where the company
guarantees specified pension benefits for the employee upon retirement). With it,
this transition marks a shift away from the notion of a shared responsibility to
care for the elderly, and toward a feeling that each person is responsible for his
or her own welfare. Further, 401(k) plans, which are designed to give ordinary people
economic security in retirement, simply encourage them to imitate the portfolio
strategies long pursued by the wealthy. Commonly, however, little attention is given to
the fact that wealthy people had less reason to worry about losing substantial amounts in
a market decline, since their wealth was already so high.
The change towards defined-contribution
pension plans is likely in many respects to have been a good thing, since people who
retired and lived a long time under defined-benefit plans often saw a substantial part of
the real value of their pension eroded by inflation. Although the switch to
defined-contribution plans eliminated this problem, what is lost is the sense of group
responsibility for the standard of living of pensioners. Participants in pension plans
must now simply choose their investments and take their chances. Further, although the
Labor Department has ruled that there be at least three choices for 401(k) plan
participants, virtually no government regulations exist concerning what these choices need
to be. Further,plans that include government inflation-indexed bonds are a rarity, despite
the fact that they are riskless, an obvious choice for those planning for retirement. Yet
there is no leadership to encourage a shift to bonds as a part of 401(k) plans. Finally,
because so much of the 401(k) investments are in the stock market, a sharp market decline
would have important consequences for many retirees. Given the meagerness of most social
security benefits, and given that most retirees have little more than their pension plan,
their house, and their social security benefits, these declines would be noticeable. There
is a curious lack of public concern about this risk. If anything, concerns are expressed
that some plan participants are not putting enough in the stock market.
Social Security The current bull
market has prompted some to advocate investing the Social Security Trust Fund in the stock
market. Those who have realized high returns on the market are wondering why they have
earned so much less on their contributions to Social Security than they could have earned.
However, governmental implementation of any sort of proposal to invest Social Security
funds in the stock market would compromise another important national risk-sharing
institution.
For ages, young people have felt a sense
of obligation to care for their aging parents, in return for the care they received as
children. Routinely, middle-aged people care simultaneously for their elderly parents as
well as for their children. Since morals and feelings rather than legal bonds dictate the
precise obligations for care giving, this old family system encouraged effective
intergenerational risk sharing. We divide our attention between our dependent children and
elderly parents according to their (and our) needs, and not by some contract formula. But
in the United States and many other countries, social security is primarily a
pay-as-you-go system, meaning that the contributions made by working people are not
invested in any real assets, but are given immediately to the retired people who need the
money now. In a pay-as-you-go system, social security simply mimics the traditional
family system, and because of exaggerated public confidence in stocks, we wrongly accept
that we can invest in the future care of elders.
It would be a great error to adopt the
policy of investing social security funds in the stock market. Variations on this plan
abound; yet any such plan would replace current societal commitments to the elderly
with only a hope that financial markets will do as well as in the past. We must
reform the social security system in the direction of making it more like a system that
would seem just and humane within a family, a system that shares risk and that does not
leave anyone bearing an inordinate share of economic risks.
Ways to Reduce Volatility
At times, tightening monetary policy is
introduced in order to burst a stock market bubble. For example, on February 14, 1929 the
Federal Reserve raised the rediscount rate from 5% to 6%, with the ostensible
purpose of checking speculation. In the early 1930s, the Fed continued the tight monetary
policy and saw the initial stock market decline turn into the largest US depression ever.
While precise causal links are hard to disentangle even in these dramatic episodes,
one thing we do know about interest rate policy is that it affects the entire economy in
fundamental ways, and is not focused on the speculative bubble it might be used to
correct. A small, but symbolic, increase in interest rates by monetary authorities at a
time in which markets are perceived by them to be overpriced may be a useful step if the
increase is accompanied by a public statement that the increase was done to
restrain speculation. Authorities should not, however, try to burst a bubble with
aggressive tightening of monetary policy.
The Stabilizing Authority of
Opinion Leaders
Another time-honored way of restraining speculation in financial markets is for
intellectual and moral leaders to try to call public attention to overpricing and
underpricing errors when they occur. This approach has been used repeatedly in the
history of our financial markets, with success that is hard to judge. In a 1996 statement
intended to warn against stock market excesses, Alan Greenspan suggested that
"irrational exuberance" was driving the very high market levels. There is no way
to judge the success of such rare statements, but the real trouble with such appeals to
moral authority is that such views express only an opinion that is in accord with a larger
or smaller number of financial experts. Further, the person who makes such statements
makes an intuitive judgment about the state o the market fundamentals and
psychology, a judgment so hard to prove that he probably feels it is an act of courage to
speak out at all.
Interrupting, Discouraging, and
Encouraging Trade
Another method to reduce market volatility has been to shut down markets at times of rapid
price change. These "circuit breakers" are intended to give traders time for
reflection, thereby reducing panic trading. But it is not clear that these closings do
much to restrain one-day price changes. (The two biggest stock market crashes in
history, the crashes of October 1929 and October 1987, occurred on Mondays after price
declines of the previous trading day were interrupted by a weekend.) Further, these
policies of closing the market for a matter of seconds, minutes, hours or days do not
address longer-term price movements.
Other proposals have been to slow down
the pace of trade by discouraging frequent trading, that is, to "throw sand in the
wheels" of speculative markets. James Tobin, for one, suggests that speculative
price movements in the market for foreign currencies can be restrained by placing a
transaction tax on such trades. The idea is that such transaction taxes will discourage
short-run speculators in favor of investors concerned with long-run fundamentals. While I
feel that there may be some merit in a Tobin-style transaction tax in reducing
speculative volatility, I have not found the case strong enough to recommend any such
action.
It may be that the best stabilizing
influence on markets is to broaden them, allowing as many people to trade as often as
possible. This is just the opposite of the previous proposals. (In my previous book, Macro
Markets: Creating Institutions for Managing Societys Largest Economic Risks, I
offered arguments justifying expansion of the number and variety of markets. These
macro markets are international markets that include, for instance, markets for long-term
claims on national incomes for each major country in the world.) Besides the obvious
benefits of creating new risk management opportunities, creating new markets would
have a salutary effect on speculative excesses b broadening the scope of market
participation. The creation of such markets would also allow us to discover the prices of
assets as yet unmarketed. No one today knows what the United States economy, the
Japanese economy, or any other economy is worth. There appear to be unseen speculative
bubbles in unobserved prices, as people go through waves of optimism or pessimism
for their own economies, an as they individually make career choices based on current
fashion. At times these changes encourage excessive investment in real and human capital
and, at other times, inadequate investment. The diversity of investment opportunities and
attention focused on fundamental risks permitted by macro markets around the world
ought to be generally stabilizing to our economies and our lives.
Conclusion: Speculative Volatility in a Free Society
The problems posed for policy makers by the tendency for
speculative markets to show occasional bubbles are deep ones. Policy makers will have to
take full account of our evolving understanding of the nature of these bubbles when
formulating measures to deal with the problems they cause. Unfortunately, the nature of
the bubbles is sufficiently complex and changing that we can never expect to document the
particular role of any given policy in bringing about the objective of long-term economic
welfare.
Ultimately, in a free society, we cannot protect people
completely from the consequences of their own errors. We cannot protect the
without preventing them from the possibility of achieving their own fulfillment. We also
cannot protect society from the effects of the waves of irrational exuberance or
irrational pessimism, emotional reactions that are part of the human condition. Policies
to deal with speculative bubbles should take the form of allowing more opportunities for
people to take positions in more and freer markets. By designing better forms of social
insurance and creating better financial institutions, real risks can be managed
effectively. The most important thing to keep in mind as we experience todays
speculative bubble in the stock market is that we should not let it distract us from such
important tasks.
This article is drawn from Irrational Exuberance by
Robert J. Shiller, published by Princeton University Press, April 2000, and appears here
with its permission. |
|